1 BRIEFING PAPERS : ZIMBABWE : Jill Lambert The Hon. Alexander Downer Minister of Foreign Affairs. The situation in Zimbabwe is deteriorating to such an extent that these briefing papers are intended to give you as far as is possible, a balanced overview which is more detailed than you may be able to access in normal circumstances. To assist you in clarifying issues, the papers are grouped into topics followed by headline updates on the current situation in each of those areas. Should you require further information, each headline will point to the page on which the full text of articles or newspaper reports can be read. 2 INTRODUCTION: The government of Zimbabwe has banned all external journalists in the country and is persecuting those who present an opposition picture. Some innovative steps have therefore been taken. It is largely through e-mail that events in Zimbabwe are covered in any detail. In addition, a media monitoring group based in the United Kingdom, is able again through e-mail to compile a daily report of news stories and personal experience articles from within and outside the country in order to get more accurate information to the media and others who can be influential outside what is now a closed country. On the eve of my meeting with you Minister, I received an email from this source, with this very emotive header to its collection of articles for the day. You will have read of the appalling events - which continue as you read this around the town of Chinhoyi in northern Zimbabwe. Dozens of farms have been attacked and ransacked, forcing many times that number to be abandoned, with the result that in excess of eight thousand people have lost their livelihood and shelter - in the depths of winter, within a few days. This has been portrayed by government as the wresting of farmland from white farmers. The reality is, that it is the cordoning-off of huge swathes of countryside, allowing gangs - some several hundred strong - to sweep these areas for people and animals with impunity. Nobody is allowed into the area and they are out of the sight of anyone who can report what is going on, and out of the reach of anyone who could help. Those who have not been able to flee face the immediate prospect of murder, rape, beating and intimidation at the hands of gangs of government-directed thugs. It is the same set of circumstances which led to the gukurahunde during which it has now been confirmed, between 25,000 and 30,000 Matabele people were ‘eliminated’ by government forces and their bodies thrown down mine shafts in the area. The Matabele people say the number was closer to 80,000 killed. We ask those of you who live outside Zimbabwe to contact - as soon as possible - your Member of Parliament, Congressman, Senator, or Deputy. Contact them by phone, letter, e-mail, or fax - and urge them to ask their governments to convey outrage in the strongest possible terms to the Zimbabwe government about this brutal treatment of its own citizens. We also ask you to directly contact your Ministry or Department of Foreign Affairs (in the United States, the US State Department) urging the same course of action. Please ask anyone you know to do the same. Please help us -- please save Zimbabwe. 3 LAND FACTS Area of country: 39,000,000 hectares Situation: between the Equator and the Tropic of Capricorn. Population: about 12½ million, majority Mashona people, with approximately 2,000,000 Matabele approximately 100,000 European, Coloured and Asian History: Inhabited by the Bushmen for 20,000 years -- hunter/gatherers . Decimated by southerly push of Bantu due to desertification of the Sahara from 200 BC, now extinct. . Bantu grew cereals herded cattle. . Kingdom of Monomatapa ruled for 150 years until arrival of Portuguese who signed treaties and gained suzerainty for a further 150 years -- mining and agriculture established . Driven out by the Rosvi, who were in turn decimated by . 1830 the Matabele - a branch of the Zulus . 1890 Pioneer column arrived following a treaty signed by Chief Lobengula and negotiated by Cecil John Rhodes . population of half a million - density of approx 200 acres per person . Settlers received 6,000 acre farms and in the most densely populated areas, reserves were created for the indigenous people and Europeans were not allowed to use this. Land available to Africans to purchase, not many could afford to do so -by 1925 only 19 farms amounting to 47 000 acres had been sold to Africans. . Rapid population growth due to preventive medicine and education as well as cessation of tribal wars . 1923 the colony paid Britain for unalienated land and was given self-government . 1931 -- Land Apportionment Act introduced -- Europeans 49 000 000 acres; Native reserves 21 600 000 acres; Native purchase areas 7 465 000 acres; unassigned land 18 000 000 acres; forest areas 600 000 acres; undetermined areas 88 000 acres. . 1980 - European owned land reduced - 45% of available land communal or set aside for African farmers and 39% was commercial farming under freehold tenure. . Government acquired 3,500,000 hectares of commercial farm land for resettlement through help from the British Government. Acquisition slowed due to lack of finance, no evidence of suitable land management and inadequate infrastructure. . most land given to party faithful and ceased to be effectively used for farming purposes. . 1992 - Land Acquisition Act was promulgated enabling Government to designate farms for resettlement without compensation. . 1997 - a list of 1471 properties declared subject to a preliminary notice of acquisition. . 2000 - 30% of the country held under freehold tenure; 41% communal lands; 4% small scale commercial farming, 9% resettlement. The remaining 16% National Parks and State forests. . Government prepared a new Constitution to remove requirement for compensation had to be paid, declaring that compensation payable should be paid by Britain. . February 2000 - referendum held to approve the new Constitution was rejected by the majority of voters in Zimbabwe. . August 2001 Government states it will take 95% of all commercial farms for resettlement (See articles : The History of land ownership -- pp 14 Author unknown, but facts are accurate also Mugabe’s Mess -- Wall Street Journal -- pp 20 ; CFU Update -- pp 34) 4 LAND : expropriation June 2000 804 farms to be taken The Economic folly of President Mugabe's decision to expropriate no fewer than 804 of Zimbabwe's white owned commercial farms, is matched only by its political dishonesty ... (see article The Times : Up for Grabs -- pp Zim facts) August 2001 7,132 farms listed (The Director of the Commercial Farmers Union) ... said government had listed 7 132 farms and of that total, 2 335 were repeats or duplications which meant that 4 797 farms measuring 9 183 069 hectares had been listed under Section 5 of the Land Acquisition Act. (See report : 35 000 people settled : CFU :pp 132) August 13th, 2001 95% of farms to be taken On Saturday, Mugabe announced new plans to increase the amount of land targeted for seizure still further - to 9.5m hectares (24m acres) or 95% of that in white hands. And he issued a warning: "We have seen of late some of those who have not repented who are organising them selves to attack the landless people who have been resettled on some farms. But we warn them to desist immediately continuing in these kinds of organised attacks, they will of course ricochet." (See article : The Guardian : Mugabe leaves farmers to grim fate pp 22) July 2000 SIXTY war veterans and landless villagers occupying Sandown North Farm have threatened farm owner Max Rosenfels with death if he does not sign away the farm to them. (see article : Land grabbers become more belligerent ... pp _) horror continues August 2000 Gen Shiri's name appears on a list of 28 senior government and military figures given farms seized from white farmers. These were supposed to be handed to landless people... (see article Topple Mugabe, Mandela Urges -- pp 26 ) November 10th, 2000 LATE ON THE AFTERNOON OF FRIDAY 10TH NOVEMBER THE FULL SUPREME COURT BENCH SIGNED AN ORDER BY CONSENT WHICH EFFECTIVELY NULLIFIES ALL ASPECTS OF THE FAST TRACK RESETTLEMENT PROGRAMME. THIS IS IN RESPONSE TO A SUPPLEMENTARY ... (See document : High Court judgement -- pp 64) December 16th 2000 AFTER telling his central committee on Wednesday that Zanu PF was at war with the country’s white commercial farmers, an embattled President Mugabe yesterday intensified his racial rhetoric to whip up nationalist indignation against a growing list of enemies -- at home and abroad -- in his battle for political survival. Two days after war veterans murdered former MP Henry Elsworth in Kwekwe, he said his party should "strike fear into the heart of the white man, our real enemy". (see article Mugabe declares race war -- pp 80 ) July 2001 A CABINET minister and governor are orchestrating the acquisition of Macheke-based Sariview farm, threatening the production of maize, export grass seed, tobacco and cattle breeding worth $55 million in annual turnover. (See article : Minister incites farm seizure pp 126 5 July 2001 As I write I am close to the phone because a family in my province, in the district of Macheke, has been under seige. So called war-vets broke down their security fence last evening and converged on the homestead chanting blood curdling threats, built fires around the house, on the lawns and verandah, fired shots randomly, and the neighbours stood-by all night in case things got really out of hand ... (See Letter from a farmer -- pp 23 ) August 2001 Despite government assurances that the Gonarezhou National Park will not be occupied under the fast-track land reform programme, resettlement in the park continues unabated ... (See article : The Independent : Gonarezhou still occupied : pp129) August 7th 2001 More than 15 white farmers are reported to have been arrested in Zimbabwe after a confrontation with militant government supporters ... (See article : BBC : White farmers held in Zimbabwe PP 107/123) August 9th 2001 Twenty-three white farmers were charged in a Zimbabwe court on Wednesday with inciting public violence following clashes ... (See article : White farmers charged in Zimbabwean court PP 108) August 2001 Government’s fast-track land resettlement programme will only achieve its full productive potential in 15 years, a World Bank-sponsored study on land reform says. (See article : Fast track to take 15 years -- pp 128 ) August 10th 2001 TIM Henwood, the outgoing president of the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU), said yesterday the agriculture sector, with its recent drastic drop in major crop yields, will never be the same again ... (See article: The Daily News : CFU boss breaks down over food) August 2001 THE Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) says only about 35 000 people have so far been resettled under President Robert Mugabe's contentious fasttrack land reform programme, contrary to his claim that more than 100 000 families have been resettled ... (See report : 35 000 people settled : CFU : pp 132) August 2001 This time Mugabe has gone too far! Since April 2000, following the defeat of the Zanu proposed new constitution, Mugabe has pursued a land policy that has said "land is the key to our prosperity as a people, it is our heritage. (See article : Ngwenya pp83 ) August 11th, 2001 HARARE, Zimbabwe (Reuters) -- Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe said on Saturday the threat of sanctions would not deter his controversial land reform drive and warned white farmers against attacking militants illegally occupying their properties. (See article : Fast track to take 15 years -- pp 128 ) August 13th, 2001 ABOUT 300 white Zimbabwean women and children were evacuated yesterday from a besieged farming district by convoy and airlift as looting and violence reached new heights .... (See article : 300 whites flee violence : pp 118) 6 ARMS BUILD-UP ... reported that the Armed Forces had imported a big Russian arms shipment, including 21,000 AK47 assault rifles to distribute among the squatters (see article Topple Mugabe, Mandela Urges -- pp 26 ) August 2001 THE Ministry of Home Affairs this week sought authority from Treasury to make a down payment of $105 million to an Israeli company recently contracted to supply nearly $1 billion worth of special vehicles and water cannons (see article : Police buy $1b riot gear -- pp 103) DISRUPTION OF BUSINESS/STRUCTURES April 24, 2001 This could have been the worst day in my life, however I came out of it alive and unscathed physically. I pray that is not speaking too soon. (See article : invasion of the Avenues clinic -- pp 29) July 2000 In the latest case of state-sanctioned extortion, a number of companies in the Ruwa industrial area have been raided by officials from the ZFTU. The official said that a ZFTU official threatened to beat up manage- ment if the employees were not reinstated or paid money. "We don’t need to follow the law in Zimbabwe. We are going to fix you in another way if you fail to honour our demands," the ZFTU official told the director of one of the affected companies. (see report : Chinotimba in new raids ... pp 125 ) August 2000 When I arrived in Zimbabwe prior to the June election, I was absolutely appalled at what I saw. Clearly, a once great agricultural country was now rapidly disintegrating and in the advanced stage of economic ruin. (See letter to the editor : E Mpahlwa : pp 74) EMPLOYMENT In 1954, 21% of Zimbabwe’s total population was employed in the formal sector, and by 1998 the percentage had fallen to 11,2%. Economist : John Robertson : May 2000 See article : Robertson Economic report -- pp 92 ) May 2001 In the past four years, about 1 400 000 young people have left school and the estimate is that formal sector job opportunities were offered to perhaps 100 000 of them. Under less damaged investment conditions, perhaps another 200 000 of them would have found openings. The wages and salaries paid to the hundreds of thousands of people who used to work on the commercial farms will cease, as will the flow of earnings to the hundreds of thousands of employees of upstream and downstream businesses... See article : Robertson Economic report -- pp 86 ) June 2001 THERE is a land crisis in Zimbabwe. Not the artificial one created by Zanu PF in recent months but one that is about to overwhelm us. Over half the two million people who live on commercial farms could soon be dispossessed. (See Independent Editorial Comment : pp 72) 7 ECONOMY Quick facts 1980 June 2000 Zimbabwe dollar US$1.58 2.6 US cents. Government debt US$1.1 billion US$7 billion. GDP per head US$740 US$575 (estimated) average lending rate 7.5% 65% to 80% annual inflation rate 6.9% 70% employment 13.5% in formal economy 10.5% in formal economy income tax 20% 29.8% June 2000 Power Corrupts. The prospect of losing it corrupts completely After 20 years of Zanu (PF) rule, half the population is unemployed and the country is bankrupt. There is no longer enough money to provide specialist medical care; (see article: the Times : Up for Grabs -- pp Zim facts) July 2000 ONE week after Zimbabwe’s parliamentary election, President Mugabe was interviewed on CNN by Charlayne Hunter-Gault. When she commenced a question with: "Given that Zimbabwe is about to go bankrupt . . ." the president interrupted her with an almost hysterical laugh and said: "Zimbabwe is not going bankrupt; countries don’t go bankrupt; Zimbabwe will never go bankrupt; that’s just what our enemies say about us." Quick facts National Debt May 31, 2000 = $263 billion external debt $171 billion (more than US$4,5 billion) domestic debt $92 billion (comprising $72,8 billion in Treasury government stock $8,7 billion Reserve Bank overdrafts exceeding $10,3 billion). External debt (TODAY) 82% of gross domestic product (GDP) (1991) 36% of GDP For the first quarter of the current fiscal year, government’s expenditure amounted to $33,7 billion, while its revenues totalled $19,7 billion, yielding a deficit of $14 billion for the three-month period! The most positive of the assets which can drive Zimbabwe’s withdrawal from the abyss of bankruptcy is that it has a large, able and willing labour force which desperately craves for employment and, if that craving is catered for, will work with motivation and drive. (see article : Eric Bloch column -- pp 27) August 2001 ... on average, monthly foreign exchange requirements exceed foreign exchange inflows by approximately US$90 million. Therefore, it must be anticipated that by the end of the year the deficit of foreign exchange will have amounted to more than US$1 billion (see article : Eric Bloch column -- pp 50 ) August 2001 The Zimbabwean worker seems to be the biggest loser. According to the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions' economics department the minimum wage for the industrial sector, which is $2 500 was only 22% of the poverty datum line in March which stood at $11 597.52. By May, the poverty datum line had shot up to $15 242.33. The cost of transport has gone up 60% since then... (See Guardian article : Economy : August 7th : pp 69) 8 ELECTIONS One man who had just left the main polling station said explicitly that he was too afraid to tell me who he voted for. Then, eager to please, he looked around nervously before saying: "Shall I tell you how I voted?" I paused, and shook my head. He didn't need to say. (see article : BBC’s Grant Ferrett reports : page 61 ...) Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, was arrested after a campaign rally at Chiredzi (see article : Topple Mugabe, Mandela urges -- pp 26) June 2000 (Leader of the Opposition, Morgan Tsvangirai) ... said he would run for president in 2002. Tsvangirai's party won 57 of the 120 contested seats -- giving it the power to block amendments to the constitution in the 150-seat house -- against 62 for President Robert Mugabe's ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) and one for the small ZANU-Donga party. The president appoints the other 30 members. "Without the subversion we would easily have won," Tsvangirai told a press conference. EU observer team head Pierre Schori condemned "high levels of violence, intimidation and coercion" during the campaign. "The term free and fair is not applicable in these elections," said Schori, a Swedish former aid minister. In London, British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook told the BBC: "The voters' rolls were rigged, the boundaries were rigged and there was systematic brutality intended to deter people from voting for change." (See article Tsvangirai accepts result -- pp 52 ) June 2000 The people of Zimbabwe have voted in large numbers in this weekend’s parliamentary elections. Despite a high level of violence and intimidation during the campaign, and serious flaws and irregularities in the electoral process, they have shown a clear determination to influence the future of their country -both individually and through the structures of civil society. (See document : Zimbabwe Elections 2000 INTERIM STATEMENT by Pierre Schori : pp53) Head of EU Election Observation Mission) INTOLERANCE OF THE OPPOSITION September 2000 The detailed background to the recent grenade attack on the MDC office in Harare makes interesting reading. The plan was to bomb the MDC office in Harare and then conduct searches at the targeted homes in Harare ... (See article : Eddie Cross 240900 -- pp 58 ) I arrived home after 5.00pm last night having fetched Jessica from school, to find a police vehicle parked out side and nine policemen waiting outside my gate to receive me. Our dogs were faithfully looking very vicious on the other side of the gate. (see article : Jenny Coltart -- pp 48 ) March 2001 Ever since its disputed victory in last June's parliamentary elections President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF party has waged a low-intensity war aimed at destroying the opposition MDC. (See article : On a knife edge -- pp 79) 9 27 April 2000 The High Court has nullified the election results in two rural constituencies won by ZANU PF in June last year, saying they were won through intimidation. High Court Judge Justice James Devittie cited massive violence and intimidation in the two constituencies. (See Chronology of atrocities -- pp 37 ) July 2001 Police who try to uphold the law, as most were trained to do when they joined the force, are singled out for transfer to remote stations, or to administrative jobs at H.Q. In Beatrice we have just lost our very good ... (See Letter from a farmer -- pp 23) August 2001 The offices of the Norwegian Directorate of Development in Zimbabwe is reported to be under surveillance by the country's authorities, according to The Financial Gazette. The reason is supposedly ..... (see article : Norway's mission to Zimbabwe under surveillance -- pp 128 ) August 2001 HARARE, Zimbabwe (AP) -- President Robert Mugabe lashed out Saturday at the United States and other Western nations he said were planning racist and punitive sanctions against his government because of its seizures of white-owned farms. "What is our crime? Our crime is that we are black and in America blacks are a condemned race," (See article : Zimbabwe's president accuses United States, other countries of racism WHAT hope is left for a country whose judges are now the target for attack by their own Minister of Justice? This newly appointed dignitary, who gave early signals of his politically subservient tendencies ... (See article : Diana Mitchell pp 82) RACE RELATIONS July 2000 (see article : We are told to hate whites even if some are beautiful friends. -- pp 33 Captives ) February 2, 2001 Independence Day, 18 April 1980, was a proud day for Zimbabwe. Many openly wept as the Union Jack was lowered and the new Republic of Zimbabwe flag hoisted in its place. Today there is a rising vocal crescendo of "Pasi ne Zanu PF, Chinja! (Down with Zanu PF, Change!)" What went wrong? Everything has gone wrong, it seems. Our much-loved government has turned against its own people and has become our oppressor. (see article : Pius Wakatama on Saturday -- pp 125 ) June 2001 After Hunzvi was let loose, he liked to be called Hitler. "Do you know why they call me Hitler?" he spat at a white farm manager last year. "It is because I am the biggest terrorist in Zimbabwe. I am the most dangerous man in this country. And you must do what I tell you." (See article : "Why should we observe the law? This is our country and we can do what we like." -- pp 71 ) 10 VIOLENCE See Chronology of attrocities : pp 37 : Torture -- Who was responsible : pp 132) The gukurahunde, (murder of the Matabele) killed an estimated 25,000 to 30,000 people . more than 3,000 extra-judicial executions · hundreds of "disappearances" · more than 7,000 beatings or cases of torture · more than 10,000 arbitrary detentions · thousands of rapes · property burnings · forbidding burial of the dead · forbidding mourning · refusal to grant death certificates to families of murder victims (see extract Catholic Justice and Peace Commission -- pp 63 ) THE man who commanded the notorious Fifth Brigade massacres in Matabeleland in the Eighties is masterminding Zimbabwe's violent farm invasions ... Tens of thousands of people died in massacres carried out by General Shiri’s North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade, and mass graves have been uncovered in recent years. (see article : Daily Telegraph : Topple Mugabe, Mandela urges -- pp 26 ) July 2000 2,000 impalas, 365 other antelopes, 20 zebras, two cheetahs, two elephants and one wild dog snared. ‘The animals die in absolute agony.’ SWARMING with flies, the rotting carcass was barely recognisable as an elephant... (see article : Daily Telegraph Zimbabwe squatters slaughter wildlife : pp 21) August 2001 At least seven other people are believed to have been severely assaulted - six of them women. Chinoyi police have now advised all white residents of the town to leave. (See report : Zanu thugs on rampage in Chinoyi : pp 122) August 2001 On the evening of Sunday 6 August, a group of around 60 Zanu PF militants - provided with food and ferried in on government vehicles -gathered on a farm in Nyathi in northern Matabeleland. They camped overnight on the farm, and on Monday morning abducted 13 people from a nearby mine. They then laid ...(See report : Ambush, in Nyathi : pp 122) August 10th, 2001 Five farmsteads in the Mhangura/Doma farming area in northern Zimbabwe have been attacked and ransacked in the last 24 hours. Gangs of Zanu PF thugs are reported to be roaming the area assaulting and robbing passersby. Some farmers are reported to have left the area to avoid confrontation with the... (See report : Orchestrated violence spreading August 10th, 2001 THE government has told war veterans to target and harass individual commercial farmers into abandoning their land instead of waiting for the arduous legal process of land acquisition before they get settled ... (See report : Force them off the farms: govt : pp 113) August 12th, 2001 DIDYMUS Mutasa, a senior Zanu PF official, and former Speaker of the House of Assembly, has warned civil servants in Chimanimani they risk being shot dead if they continue supporting the opposition Movement for Democratic Change. (See article : Mutasa threatens MDC supporters with death : pp 114) 11 August 10th, 2001 ... and some would say that the prominence given to Zimbabwe in the last two days is purely because white Zimbabweans have been the prime victims. There is probably some truth to this. It’s just that the majority of the voters whose support he must coerce in order to survive live out of the glare of the media, in remote areas which are easy to seal off from intruders - areas in which his gangs of marauding thugs can roam at will - raping, pillaging, burning, and murdering with impunity. We have received a report .... (See report : Life with Zanu comes to town REPRESSION OF THE MEDIA July 2001 THE government’s decision not to renew the work permit of Daily Telegraph correspondent David Blair should be seen against a background of curbs on the media in general and intensified lawlessness across the country. Very simply the government hopes to get away with (See Zimbabwe Independent -- Editorial Comment -- pp 128 ) July 2001 Geoff Nyarota's newspaper has been bombed twice so far this year. The marble and concrete entrance ... Three months earlier, an armed commando-style team held a guard at gunpoint and blew up the newspaper's presses with four well-placed bombs. (See article : from the Wichita Eagle -- pp 78 ) THE FUTURE "Zimbabwe's strength lies in racial and ethnic diversity - we will overcome attempts to divide us" (Morgan Tsvangirai) July 2001 THE Zimbabwean crisis was the subject of a Congressional hearing in the United States yesterday after South African President Thabo Mbeki this week took his diplomatic initiative to Washington. The Zimbabwean problem, as it has come to be known here, featured prominently in the talks between Mbeki and US president George W Bush at the White House on Tuesday. Washington is pinning its hopes on the Commonwealth ministerial team in which Mbeki will play a key role ... (see article Zim crisis looms large in US Bush/Mbeki talks -- pp 127 ) July 2001 PRINCE Zwidekalanga Khumalo, the great grandson of King Lobengula, has distanced himself from the current government-sponsored land redistribution programme which he says is a political issue he cannot be associated with. Khumalo (47), who traces his ancestry to King Mzilikazi who is credited with the founding of the Ndebele state, (See report : Prince Khumalo denies claims on land -- pp 77 ) August 2001 Retired General Solomon Mujuru this week questioned the war credentials of Harare province war veterans' chairman Joseph Chinotimba, following complaints from Zanu PF politburo members that ... (see report : Chinotimba's credentials questioned -- pp 103 ) various 060801 12 August 2001 New Cherokee jeeps donated by Libyan leader Colonel Muammar Al-Gaddafi for Zanu PF to use in the presidential election set for next year, may have helped the party win the crucial, bitterly contested election for a parliamentary seat in the north-eastern rural constituency of Bindura last weekend. According to the Zimbabwe Independent newspaper, the cars have ... Al-Gaddafi has reportedly pledged some US$900,000 to the party to aid in Mugabe's presidential campaign ... (see report: Zanu PF Electoral Machine Oiled by Libyan Cash : pp 60) August 2001 Harare - Plans by Zimbabwe's President Mugabe to rig next year's presidential election have been exposed, just as his beleaguered nation begins gearing up for the crunch ballot which he is expected to lose. His plot hinges on the multiple registration of ruling-party supporters in different constituencies to allow them to vote several times; the second part of the strategy involves relocating more than 500,000 unemployed urban dwellers to commercial farms now being confiscated .... (see article : Mugabe plot to rig election exposed -- pp 101 ) August 2001 PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe and officials of his government could be subjected to sanctions and other punitive measures if a European Union (EU) general council meeting (see article : Mugabe could face personal EU ban -- pp 102) Various 060801 August 2001 A SERIOUS humanitarian disaster looms in Zimbabwe because of an absence of a national strategy and funds to deal with thousands of people who are likely to become internal refugees ... Affected communities include commercial farm workers displaced by the occupation of farms, opposition party supporters or those perceived to be against the ruling ZANU PF party, school teachers, health workers and other civil servants targeted in rural areas. (See report Presidential poll set to displace over 200 000 -- pp 106 ) August 2001 South African President Thabo Mbeki has, for the first time, admitted failure in his efforts to avoid a crisis in neighbouring Zimbabwe. Mr Mbeki told the BBC's Hardtalk programme that time was running out for Zimbabwe and admitted that so far President Robert Mugabe had not listened to him during their repeated meetings in the past 18 months. (See comment : BBC August 7th : pp 122) August 2001 As pressure continues to mount on President Mugabe because of the prevailing anarchy in the country, it has emerged that the Commonwealth intends to act strongly against him at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) to be held in Brisbane, Australia, in October. High level sources within ... (See report : Commonwealth gives Mugabe ultimatum : pp 109) August 10th, 2001 Security has been stepped in Blantyre, Malawi where African heads of state will converge this weekend for a Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) summit. (See report : Threats to kill Mugabe at SADC summit : pp 110) 13 August 11, 2001 PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe’s Cabinet is considering declaring a state of emergency if the international community goes ahead to impose sanctions against him ... (See article : Martial law looms pp 111) August 12, 2001 ROBERT MUGABE, Zimbabwe's embattled president, believes he is haunted by the ghost of a former rival who berates him for mismanaging the country, aides have said. For six months, Mugabe has been "seeing" Josiah Tongogara, a former guerrilla leader who was expected to become president in 1980, but died in a car crash. Mugabe is said to be tormented (See article : Mugabe eats supper with spirit of dead rival August 12th, 2001 The respected Financial Gazette reported that Mugabe's Cabinet intends to use the looming passage of the Zimbabwe Democracy Bill in the United States Congress as a pretext for declaring a state of emergency that would allow the president to suspend Parliament, delay elections and rule by decree. (See article : Mugabe prepares for State of emergency .. pp 116) August 13th, 2001 ..... a man of Mr Straw's moral integrity should see at once the imperative for intervention in Zimbabwe. What is happening is on nothing like the scale of the Nazi persecution he so rightly wishes should never be forgotten. However, when one reads of the anti-white pogrom by Mr Mugabe's thugs, one sees at once that the loathsome principle is the same. The Commonwealth, which even before this inglorious episode had already marked itself out as a footling, hypocritical and pointless organisation, continues to tolerate Mr Mugabe's depravities... See article : Sunday Times : We will not tolerate racism, except in Zimbabwe : pp 116) August 13th, 2001 How is Mr Mugabe able to get away with it? His government survives not just because it flouts the rule of law and uses violence to intimidate or remove opposition, but also because it manages to maintain a facade of legitimacy. That facade appears to be enough to ensure that neither other African states nor the countries of the Western world are prepared to take the steps required to end Mr Mugabe's violent ... That is why he was perfectly happy for coverage of Zimbabwe in Western newspapers to centre last week on the patently unjust detention of some 20 white farmers .... If all the world sees is his attacks on whites, that makes him look like a "liberator", the leader in a struggle against colonialism ... Mr Mugabe desperately needs a few white farmers to lose their tempers and gun down several "war veterans". Miraculously, not a single "war veteran" has been intentionally killed by a white since those actions began 17 months ago. So Mr Mugabe has stepped up his campaign to provoke them. Mr Mugabe desperately needs a few white farmers to lose their tempers and gun down several "war veterans". Miraculously, not a single "war veteran" has been intentionally killed by a white since those actions began 17 months ago. So Mr Mugabe has stepped up his campaign to provoke them. (See article : The whites are not the main target of the thugs : pp 119) (See also US Congress : Zimbabwe Democracy Bill : pp 98 Commonwealth gives Mugabe ultimatum pp 109) 14 ZIMBABWE - THE HISTORY OF LAND OWNERSHIP Thursday 27 April, 2000 Author unknown GEOGRAPHY Zimbabwe is an independent country with an area of 390 580 sq kilometres or 150 803 sq miles, situated in Africa between the Equator and the Tropic of Capricorn. It currently has a population estimated to be about 12½ million of which approximately 100 000 are European, Coloured and Asian and the remainder are Bantu speaking blacks. These are predominantly Shona speaking people but about 20% of them include Matabele, Batonka, Shangaan and other sub groups. Zimbabwe consists mostly of a plateau called the high veld, averaging about 4500 feet above sea level. Lower areas, the lowveld, include the Zambezi trough in the north and the Sabi Limpopo lowlands in the south. The tropical climate is moderated by the altitude. Most areas have between 25 and 35 inches of rain a year, although the Eastern Highlands are much wetter. On the plateau the average temperatures are winter 57ºF and summer 70ºF. In the lowveld the temperatures are much warmer. Zimbabwe has a wide variety of minerals including gold, platinum, chrome, nickel, copper, asbestos and coal. Despite this wide range of minerals, poor world mineral prices have made the country more dependant upon agricultural products. Tobacco is the chief cash crop and maize the main food crop. Other products include citrus fruits, sugar cane and tea. Flowers and vegetables are being sold in increasing quantities in Europe and cattle ranching is also important. HISTORY The earliest identifiable inhabitants were the Bushmen or San people, small groups of hunter gatherers who lived in Zimbabwe for about 20 000 years and left behind them a delightful legacy of painted caves. They were not cultivators and would have had no concept of land ownership. After the Bantu people arrived they reduced in number and are now virtually extinct in Zimbabwe. The Bantu who are a people classified as such not by reference to physical characteristics or to geographical occupation but simply by the language they speak, started to occupy Zimbabwe from about 200 BC. They are believed to have originated from the area of Cameroon and were pushed into a slow southward migration down Africa by population pressures created originally by the desertification of the Sahara. In the course of their slow journey southwards they developed the skills of cereal production and the keeping of cattle and it was these skills which made the position of land assume greater importance and permanence. In the area of southern Zimbabwe and the Northern Transvaal they developed what has been called the "Central Cattle Pattern" and between the 7th and 13th Centuries the people of this region kept very large herds of cattle. It was their successors who built Great Zimbabwe in the south east of the country over a period of about 400 years from about 1000 AD. By 1400 AD the environment around Great Zimbabwe was feeling the strains of overpopulation and over-grazing and the Zimbabwe Kingdom began to break up and groups of people from it spread northwards and westwards and established new centres built in stone in the Zimbabwe style at various locations dotted around the Mashonaland plateau. From this diaspora there developed the Monomatapa Dynasty, an empire centred at the bottom of the escarpment north of Centenary which spread eastwards until it encompassed most of the Mashonaland plateau and across the low country which is now Mozambique, towards the Indian Ocean. The Monomatapa Dynasty flourished for almost 150 years. Enter the Portuguese who, following the efforts of Henry the Navigator, Bartholomew Diaz and Vasco da Gama, rounded the Cape and in 1505 built a fortress at Sofala, south of Beira, and thereafter attempted, not all that successfully, to edge the Arabs out of the Zimbabwe gold trade. Antonio Fernandes, a convict based at Sofala, made three journeys into the hinterland of Zimbabwe between 1511 and 1514 and it was he who revealed to his ruler the first detailed information about the Monomatapa Kingdom. Trading between the Portuguese and Shona commenced and was followed by religion in the form of Father Silviera who visited the Monomatapa and in fact baptised him. He was martyred for this enterprise and thereafter avenged by the invading forces of Barretto and Homen. A treaty was concluded between the Monomatapa and the Portuguese whereby the latter obtained some form of suzerainity over northern Zimbabwe which it held in a not very convincing or energetic 15 fashion for about 150 years. During this period the Portuguese established trading centres over much of Zimbabwe and these were eventually over-run by the Rosvi, a Shona speaking elite group headed by Changamire. Thereafter, the Rosvi ruled Zimbabwe without threat from external sources for about 130 years until 1830 when large areas of the country were invaded by three "Zulu" invasions from the south. These invasions were caused by the Mfecane (the crushing) or the Difiqane (forced migration) created by Chaka’s reign of terror in Natal. A group led by Zwangendaba eventually crossed the Limpopo and descended upon the Rosvi with their short stabbing spears and after 5 years of devastating thuggery they crossed the Zambezi and settled in Malawi as the Angoni. They were followed by another Zulu group led by Shoshangane who occupied the eastern portion of Zimbabwe, creating havoc and devastation and eventually settled down in the area of Chipinge as the Shangaans. A third Zulu group, led by Mzilikazi, followed on through the Transvaal into the south west and settled in the area of Bulawayo where they established themselves as the Matabele nation. This was a formidable power and in the period between 1838 and 1893 Mzilikazi and his successor, Lobengula, ruled absolutely in what is now Matabeleland and with a disciplined army of some 20 000 men subjugated the surrounding Shona. These three invasions shattered the Shona nation and they were subjected to constant harassment and pillage and had a miserable existence hiding in imperfect defences on the granite hills that characterise much of Mashonaland. What the white men found when they settled in Zimbabwe in 1890 is well described by Frederick Courtney Selous in his book "Travel and Adventure in South East Africa" published in 1893: "As far as we can learn, the country we now call Mashunaland was in the early part of the present century ruled over by the ancestors of the petty chiefs Makoni, Mangwende, Motoko, Sosi, Umtasa etc, who were the rulers of large and prosperous tribes living in huts, the foundations of which, where they still exist, show them to have been at least three times the size of the miserable tenements which satisfy their degenerate descendants and whose towns were, in the most part, surrounded by well built and loop-holed stone walls, many of which still remain in perfect preservation today, especially in the country of Makoni, the chief of the Ma-ongwi. Hundreds of thousands of acres that now lie fallow must then have been under cultivation, as is proved by the traces of rice and maize fields which can still be discerned in almost every valley, whilst the sights of ancient villages, long ago crumbled to decay, and now only marked by a few deeper pits, from which the natives obtained the clay used by them in plastering their huts, are very numerous all over the open downs, where no stones were procurable with which to build walls around the towns. On almost every hill traces of the stone walls will be found which once encircled and protected ancient villages. At that time the inhabitants of this part of Africa must have been rich and prosperous, possessing large flocks of sheep and goats and numerous herds of the small but beautiful breed of cattle. This state of things was not, however, destined to continue, for some 12 or 15 years after the Cape of Good Hope became a British Colony, in 1806, some of the outlying Zulu clans broke away from the harsh and cruel rule of Chaka and commenced their migrations northwards; and wherever these ferocious warriors went their track was marked by the flight of the vultures which feasted upon the corpses of the men, women and children they had slain, and the flames of the villages they had set fire to. ... Thus the high plateau of Mushonaland, which at no very distant date must have supported a large native population, once more became an almost uninhabited wilderness, as the remnants of the Aboriginal tribes who escaped destruction at the hands of the Zulu invaders retreated into the broken country which encircles the plateau to the south and east." WHITE OCCUPATION The instigator for the white occupation of the country was Cecil John Rhodes. He was born in England and came out to South Africa at the age of 17. He was attracted to the diamond fields of Kimberley and by 1887, when he was only 34, he had the near monopoly on Kimberley’s diamond industry and also very substantial interests in the goldfields of the Rand. Rhodes believed that the English had a duty to control and civilize Africa and his ambition was to ensure British domination from the Cape to Cairo. He used his financial resources to further this ambition. He secured from King Lobengula a concession, the Rudd 16 Concession, which gave the grantees complete and exclusive charge over all metals and minerals situated in Lobengula’s Kingdom, together with full power to do such things as might be deemed necessary to win and procure the same. Armed with this concession Rhodes obtained from Britain the Royal Charter of the British South Africa Company, duly sealed under letters patent signed by Queen Victoria in October, 1889 "to acquire by any concession, agreement, grant or treaty, all or any rights, interests, authorities, jurisdictions and powers of any kind or nature whatever, including powers necessary for the purposes of government, and the preservation of public order in or for the protection of territories, lands or property comprised or referred to in the concessions and agreements made as aforesaid or affecting other territories, lands, or property in Africa, or the inhabitants thereof, to hold, use and exercise such territories, lands, property, rights, interests, authorities, jurisdictions and powers respectively for the purposes of the Company and on the terms of this our Charter". These powers were subject to the approval of the Colonial Secretary in Britian, who had a right of veto on most of the actions of the chartered company. The Charter gave the company other useful powers. It could raise its own police force and fly its own flag. It could make roads, railways, telegraphs and harbours. It could establish banks and conduct mining operations. It could settle territories that it acquired and it could irrigate and clear land. Having obtained the Charter, Rhodes’ next move was to organise the occupation of Mashunaland by the Pioneer Column, consisting of about 200 pioneers and settlers escorted by 350 mounted police and followed by approximately 400 black and coloured auxiliaries. The Pioneer Column crossed into Zimbabwe on 5th July, 1890 and raised the Union Jack on a patch of ground now called Africa Unity Square in Harare on 13th September, 1890. What did the pioneers come to? A country which in its final definition was 39 million hectares or 97 million acres in size, containing a native population of about half a million people i.e. a population density of approximately 200 acres for every man, woman and child in the country. The climate was in the main neither too hot nor too cold and the rainfall enabled the successful production of crops in most areas. Of course agriculture was not the first priority of the pioneers. Most of them had joined the venture in the hope of making their fortunes by gold mining. Zimbabwe does have gold over a widely scattered area but the huge deposits of the Rand were not found and very few of the pioneers made their fortune in this way. As the country developed, however, numerous other minerals were found such as platinum, nickel, chrome, copper and coal. All of these have had a substantial part in the subsequent development of Zimbabwe. Two weeks after the pioneers arrived at Harare they were demobilised to take up the 15 mining claims promised to each of them as well as a farm and so it was that having received three months rations and being allowed to retain his rifle and 100 rounds of ammunition, each pioneer dispersed to stake his claims and find his farm. Farming did not play an important part in the country’s economic life at first. There was little or no market for the crops that could be produced and most of the pioneers settled down to gold prospecting, trading and to transport riding. Hardly any of them managed to make any money and in fact most of them later left the country. In his book "The Pioneers of Mashonaland" Darter investigates the fortunes of 184 pioneers in 1914. Of these only 25 were still living in the country, 24 were known to have been killed and 45 had died a natural death. This illustrates how few, if any, of the present day white farmers of Zimbabwe are descendants of the original pioneers and inherited farms given to their pioneer forefathers as pioneer grants. During the first years of the occupation of Mashonaland the number of farms settled by whites were so small in relation to the size of the country that Africans at first suffered very little pressure from the newcomers. Most of the early settlers selected their land on the heavy red and black loams that are to be found on the plateau surrounding Harare. The Mashona tribes sometimes worked red soils. On the whole, however, they stuck to light coloured granite country sandy soils situated in rugged regions broken by kopjes capable of affording natural defence in times of war. Their women, with hoes, could scratch sand soils with less effort than heavy loams. These light soils were not sought after by pioneers intent on growing maize and only acquired commercial value when tobacco farming became important. It was only after the conquest of Matabeleland in 1893 that the land issue came into focus. Settlers received farms of 6000 acres in extent, double the size of those in Mashonaland as 17 the rainfall was lower and the defeated Matabele were moved away out of the areas surrounding Bulawayo into two large blocks of land comprising 6500 square miles, known as the Shangani and Gwaai Reserves. Under the Southern Rhodesia Order in Council of 1898 the Imperial Government, while retaining the right of Africans to buy land anywhere in the colony on the same terms as Europeans, placed a statutory obligation upon the Charter Company to provide sufficient land holdings with sufficient water for Africans living under the tribal system. Native Commissioners were charged with the duty of demarcating the reserves and in general attempted to leave the indigenous people, as far as possible, undisturbed. Thus it was that reserves were created where the population was most dense, the crescent of population described by David Beech extending from Mount Darwin in the north in a half moon through Mutoko, Mrewa, Hwedza, Buhera, Gutu, Bikita and Zaka through to the Masvingo Province in the south. Reserves were also created in various other parts of the country to cater adequately for the population at that time. In 1913 at the suggestion of the Colonial Office a Commission was established to investigate the reserves question and a report was submitted at the end of 1915. The Commission’s recommendation was that the total area of the reserves should be just under 20 million acres, about 1/5th of the country’s total extent, an area equivalent to more than four times the size of Wales. The Commission believed that the reserve system was a transitional arrangement to assist those Africans who could not at once become assimilated into the new society and to act as a protection for the backward. The amount of land in the country was limited. It was appreciated that the African population would go on increasing but the Commission felt that no one could expect that every African as yet unborn must retain an indefeasable right to land sufficient for all his traditional needs. If once this idea was accepted the whole of the country would ultimately have to be turned into one gigantic reserve. The Commissioners found that the allocation was sufficient to provide for an increasing tribal population in the foreseeable future. In 1915 the best available statistics projected a doubling of the African population in 80 years i.e. in 1995. In fact the population doubled in the first 30 years and is now 25 times the size of the population of 1890. This massive population increase is a tribute, not only to the favourable natural environment of Zimbabwe, but also to the care and concern given to the native interests by the Colonial Government now so often criticised for its allegedly harsh practices. The true position is that it was the introduction of medical services, improved methods of agriculture and the establishment of law and order which created the conditions which resulted in this massive population growth. The Colonial Government’s treatment of the indigenous population compares very favourably with the treatment meted out to the indigenous people of Australia, New Zealand, the United States of America and Canada and the white settlers of Zimbabwe have very little to be ashamed of in this connection. The country’s economy was adversely affected by the Boer War and the death of its founder, Cecil Rhodes, and the white settlers began to criticise the administration of the country by the BSA Company. Their most serious grievance was the extent of the mining royalties payable to the Company and whether it was right that the Company should continue to demand payment for unalienated land. The question was raised whether the Company owned the unalienated land in a commercial or merely an administrative capacity. The Company sought to appease the settlers by reducing the mining levy and by increasing the number of elected members to the Legislative Assembly. These palliative measures did not help the Company and the settlers continued to complain about the Company’s government. The Company was in a deficit position but the settlers opposed any suggestion that they should be responsible for the deficit. The settlers wanted the country to raise loans for development but the Company was not prepared to sanction this. The general mood was to get rid of the Company’s administration but there was division as to whether the country should become a crown colony or amalgamate with the Union of South Africa. The British Government decided to submit the question as to who owned the unalienated land to the Privy Council and this was done in 1914. The case was bedeviled by delays and became a four cornered contest. Originally the fight for ownership was between the Company and the settlers but the parties were joined by the Colonial Office who, having made no hint of a claim to the land for 25 years, suddenly claimed that ownership of the land vest in the Crown. A claim that the land belonged to the Matabele was also put up by one of Lobengula’s sons. Eventually the judgment of the judicial committee of the Council came out and it was to the effect (i) that those who had been given title by the Company were entitled to keep their land; (ii) that the indigenous population had lost by conquest whatever title they had previously possessed ; (iii) that the Company were not the owners of the unalienated land and (iv) that this land belonged to the Crown. The effect of this decision was that when the colony eventually obtained responsible government in 1923 it was obliged to pay the British Government for the unalienated land. SELF GOVERNMENT In 1922 a referendum was held to decide whether the country should amalgamate with South Africa or become a Crown Colony and the vote for a Crown Colony with responsible government was won by 8 774 votes to 5 989, and legislation was enacted to make the country a self governing colony of the Crown. The Chartered Company thus ceased to rule Rhodesia but its contribution towards the country was a notable one. It continued to be a very important commercial concern, even when its rights to minerals had been bought out in 1933 and it lost control over the railway system. It was eventually taken over on a friendly basis by the Anglo American Corporation of South Africa which continues to be a force in the land, concentrating now on its mining interests. The country was formerly annexed to the Crown as a colony and the new administration was headed by 18 a Governor who represented the Sovereign and acted as the country’s formal, constitutional and ceremonial head. The country was given responsible self-government with certain safeguards for the protection of African interests being reserved to the British Government. The new administration took steps to encourage land settlement and this created concern for protection of the land demarcated as reserves on the one hand and a demand for a type of segregation on the other. The British Government agreed that it would consider changing the existing law if a full and impartial enquiry should pronounce in favour of territorial segregation. In 1925 a Commission headed by an Imperial Chairman, Sir Maurice Carter, previously Chief Justice of Uganda, was set up, and thereafter produced its findings. The Commission’s report approved of a form of territorial segregation after finding that Europeans and Africans both preferred things that way. The recommended that separate areas should be set aside where Africans alone might buy holdings on individual tenure but they also recommended that Africans would lose the right to buy land elsewhere in the colony. The relevant legislation was thereafter passed and approved not only by the Rhodesian Government but also by the British Government as the Land Apportionment Act. At the time of its passing the inequity of its provisions does not appear to have been fully appreciated. The vast majority of the African population did not have the financial resources to consider the purchase of farms. Indeed, by 1925 only 19 farms amounting to 47 000 acres had been sold to Africans. In the circumstances in addition to the reserves the 7 million acres reserved for purchase by Africans would then have seemed reasonable to deal with the foreseeable future. The prohibition against Africans purchasing farms in the areas reserved for white occupation and the prohibition against Africans purchasing urban properties is in retrospect morally indefensible. In mitigation it should be realised that it was a product of its time and of its environment. It was approved by the British Parliament and it should be judged in the light of the apartheid policies of the country’s big neighbour to the south. The effect of the Land Apportionment Act was to divide the country in 1931 as follows: European areas 49 149 000 acres; Native reserves 21 600 000 acres; Native purchase areas 7 465 000 acres; unassigned land 17 793 000 acres; forest areas 591 000 acres; undetermined areas 88 000 acres. Over the next 50 years, the amounts allocated for European occupation slowly reduced and the amount allocated for African occupation slowly increased so that by 1980 45% of the available land was communal land or land set aside for African commercial farmers and 39% was commercial farming area. INDEPENDENCE In 1980 Zimbabwe obtained Independence from Britain and President Mugabe came into power. Since that time Government has acquired some 3,5 million hectares of commercial farm land for resettlement. This has been facilitated by considerable financial support from the British Government. The land settlement programme slowed down by the mid-1980’s and the reasons for this included the cost of land, the decreasing ability of Government to finance the programme, inadequate restructuring capacity and inconclusive evidence of successful farming. In reality, large portions of land that had been taken over ceased to be effectively used for farming purposes. Anyone wishing to test this statement need only drive out from Harare to Mutoko -- some 90 miles away. He will go through a large area which had previously been occupied by productive European farmers and will find acres lying idle and homesteads decaying, with the only agricultural activity being patches of mealies close to the homestead. A list recently produced by a political opponent of President Mugabe, secured from Government sources, shows that many of the acquired farms were allocated to political cronies of the ruling Government who do not appear to have the will or the skills to farm effectively. By the year 2000 the division of land was as follows: 30% of the country was held under freehold tenure; 41% comprised the communal lands; small scale commercial farming took up 4% and the resettlement areas comprised 9% of the country. The remaining 16% are National Parks and State forests. The productivity of the resettlement areas is low. In fact it is no greater than the traditional communal areas. If resettlement continues without an adequate infrastructure, insufficient finance and skills, the detrimental effect upon the economy of the country will be massive. Zimbabwe’s economy has traditionally been agricultural based and because of its broad base in producing a multitude of crops and commodities it has been able to contribute considerably to the export earnings of the country, providing about 40% of the export revenue earned. Commercial agriculture currently employs over one-quarter of the total labour force of the country. If the commercial farming area is further depleted this will have a knock-on effect upon industry as its relationship between local industry and agriculture in Zimbabwe is very close. About 60% of industry is agro-based and the agricultural sector in turn consumes about 20% of the total output of industry. In its efforts to facilitate the acquisition of further land, the Government has made several amendments to the Constitution, inter alia to remove the requirement that land had to be under-utilised before it could be acquired for resettlement and that compensation had to be paid promptly and to remove the power of the High Courts to consider whether the compensation provided was fair. In 1992 the Land Acquisition Act was promulgated and this enabled the Government to designate farms for resettlement. No compensation is payable to a farmer whose farm is designated and the effect of 19 designation is to severely restrict the ability of the farmer to raise finance and to continue to develop his farm. Despite these increased powers the Government seemed incapable of acquiring further properties in an orderly or lawful manner. In November, 1997 a list of 1471 properties was published in the Government Gazette and declared subject to a preliminary notice of acquisition. Although Government had stated its policy to be that farms to be targeted for acquisition would fall under the following criteria i.e. derelict farms, under-utilised farms, farms belonging to absentee landlords, farms adjacent to communal areas and farms owned by persons with other farms, it did not seem that these criteria were used in compiling this list. In the result Government failed to comply with its own legislation and apart from 50 odd farmers who had not opposed the process, none of the farmers on the list lost their farms. The recent history is, of course, that Government prepared a new Constitution which removed the requirement that compensation had to be paid and declared that any compensation payable should be paid by Britain. A referendum was held to approve the new Constitution and the new Constitution was rejected by the majority of voters in Zimbabwe. Undeterred, Government has proceeded to amend the Constitution so that unless compensation is paid by Britain, farmers will not receive payment. With elections looming it now appears that even these new provisions do not satisfy the ruling party'’ desire to be seen as the acquirer of land for the people. An orchestrated programme of land invasions has taken place and in recent days this has resulted in farmers being abducted, beaten up and killed. Court Orders declaring the invasions illegal have been ignored by the President who openly says that the police are not to enforce such orders. The effect of this behaviour is terrible to contemplate. The very heart of the economic system that has made the development of Zimbabwe possible will be destroyed. The principle of secure, bankable ownership rights will die; the poverty typical of the communal areas where individual land ownership rights do not exist will spread across the country; thousands of farm workers will lose their jobs and their homes; farming companies are bound to fail as will banks who have lent to farmers; investment and tax revenues will shrink and export revenue flows will die away. The justification claimed by the President, his Government and his party that the land is being taken from the descendants of pioneers who stole the land from the indigenous people lacks any credibility when one realises that about 70% of the commercial farmers in Zimbabwe acquired title to their farms since independence through a system of land registration run by the present Government who received transfer duty for such transactions. For most of the independence period Government has enjoyed a right of pre-emption in respect of all farms sold and has consistently issued a certificate to the effect that it is not interested in purchasing such farms. Although some of the current farm owners inherited their farms from their parents, the great majority paid the market value of the same when purchasing them. There is no doubt that land reform is required in Zimbabwe and indeed the Commercial Farmers Union accepts this. If, however, land held under free title is transferred into State or communal ownership it will lose value and productivity. If it is unlawfully seized Zimbabwe will no longer be regarded as a country worthy of acceptance by the Community of Nations. 20 Mugabe's Mess George B.N. Ayittey, Friday 28 April, 2000 Wall Street Journal Robert Mugabe has followed the pattern of post-colonial African leaders: hailed as a national hero and swept to power with a huge parliamentary majority, the adulation goes to his head and he bans opposition parties, declaring himself president-for-life. He plunders the treasury, wrecks the economy and gags the press. · Having lost a February referendum to approve the extension of his 20-year rule by 10 years (despite appeals to nationalism and the promise of free land), Mugabe postponed elections. Members of his own party called for him to step down. · Mugabe vowed retribution. He sent "war veterans" to occupy hundreds of white-owned farms. He has refused to instruct the police to evict them despite court orders. The squatters threatened civil war should Mugabe lose the elections. · Disregarding the referendum result, Zimbabwe's rubber-stamp parliament passed legislation allowing the seizure of white-owned land without compensation. · It is true that 4,500 white farmers continue to own nearly a third of the most fertile farmland. But when the government has distributed land, the economic consequences have been terrible: · More than 1 million acres bought from white farmers under compulsion have been handed to 400 wealthy Zimbabweans, mostly Mugabe cronies. In 1994, 20 farms seized from white farmers were grabbed by government officials. In 1998, 24 farms covering 300 square miles in Matabeleland were divided among 47 officials, while 40,000 poor Zimbabweans remained crammed into the neighbouring Semukwe Communal Area. · The Lancaster House conference which negotiated Zimbabwe's constitution in 1980 also established a land reform programme: land would be purchased from farmers for redistribution to landless peasants. The programme was so grotesquely mismanaged that Britain withdrew financial support for it in 1992. The current crisis has prompted donors to suspend about $10 million in land reform aid. · Mugabe would not live by the Lancaster Accords. He concentrated power in his own hands and abolished the Senate, the upper chamber of parliament. In the July 1995 elections Mugabe vowed to establish a one-party Marxist-Leninist state and referred to the constitution as "that dirty piece of paper" while Zanu thugs beat and terrorised opposition supporters. Intimidation and violence recurred in the 1990 elections. · Mugabe has nationalised the media and presided over the swelling of the state bureaucracy. In the early 1990s he appeared to embrace the free market to impress the World Bank, but reform failed to happen and in 1994 he declared: "Socialism remains our sworn ideology." · The results are water cuts, power cuts, food shortages, fuel shortages, inflation at 60%, fleeing foreign investors and a crashing Zimbabwe dollar. Per capita income has fallen below pre-independence levels. Mugabe blames the IMF, greedy Western powers, the Asian financial crisis and the drought. · Donors are pulling back as western public opinion questions why aid should be extended to a country with so little respect for the rule of law, and will spend it all on a foreign war: Mugabe's decision to send 11,000 troops to the Congo is costing $1.2 million a day. · The solution to Zimbabwe's problems is the peaceful transfer of power through a democratic election. President Diouf of Senegal stepped down peacefully after 19 years following free and fair elections in February and saved his country. There are currently few reasons to believe that Mugabe will show similar wisdom. Adapted from 'Mugabe's Mess - Zimbabwe's Story Is All Too Familiar' by George B.N. Ayittey, Wall Street Journal, 10th April 2000 21 Zimbabwe squatters slaughter wildlife David Blair, Daily Telegraph , Thursday 13 July, 2000 2,000 impalas, 365 other antelopes, 20 zebras, two cheetahs, two elephants and one wild dog snared. ‘The animals die in absolute agony.’ SWARMING with flies, the rotting carcass was barely recognisable as an elephant. For Roger Whittall, it was more grim evidence of the wave of poaching that has engulfed his ranch since hundreds of squatters invaded the Save Valley Conservancy in south-eastern Zimbabwe. Black rhinos and wild dogs, two of Africa's most endangered species, are threatened by the occupiers who have imposed "no-go areas", assaulted dozens of game scouts and laid thousands of wire snares. Save was singled out for occupation because 21 white farmers, who merged their land to form the world's largest private game reserve in 1990, own its 2,200 square miles of rugged bush and scrub. Mr Whittall, whose Humani ranch forms part of Save, is appalled by the carnage. Near the dead elephant, groves of acacia and mopane trees that once teemed with antelope are now devoid of game. "This is nothing to do with land, it's a mass slaughter and it goes on every minute of every day," he said. On Humani ranch alone, covering barely 10 per cent of Save, squatters have snared 2,000 impalas, 365 other antelopes, 20 zebras, two cheetahs, two elephants and one wild dog since April Mr Whittall said: "The animals die in absolute agony. You can slaughter unbelievable amounts of game with these things." More than 1,600 snares have been removed on his ranch. During a five-hour sweep through an area occupied by squatters, game scouts from the neighbouring Senuko lodge found a further 1,500, many of them with trapped victims. The squatters turned to poaching initially to feed themselves as growing crops is impossible in Save's rugged bush country. But evidence has emerged that meat is being sold and commercial poaching has begun. The tusks on the dead elephant had been removed and scouts fear that the next step will be the targeting of rhinos for their horns. Scouts Edward Mashamba and Webster Bhangeni ventured into the no-go region last month and paid a heavy price. A gang of 100 squatters captured them and beat them with sticks and clubs. Mr Bhangeni said: "They shouted, 'You are a traitor, you are working for the whites. We don't want to see the whites in Zimbabwe.' Then they beat us everywhere, just everywhere. On the back, the feet, the buttocks." Because President Robert Mugabe has repeatedly backed the squatters, police are reluctant to act and the atmosphere of lawlessness encourages anyone to kill animals on occupied white land with impunity. In Save, scouts can no longer carry rifles for fear of provoking the squatters. If they arrest a poacher, even outside the "liberated areas", his comrades will demand his release with threats of violence. Mr Bhangeni said: "If we try to arrest poachers, they will kill us. There is nothing we can do. But we must try to carry on. It hurts me to see all these animals dying, it's terrible." 22 Mugabe leaves white farmers to grim fate Exodus from the north grows as mob attacks go unchecked Chris McGreal in Johannesburg Monday August 13, 2001 The Guardian More white farming families joined the exodus from northern Zimbabwe yesterday as President Robert Mugabe's supporters looted and burned homes. Farmers' leaders in the Chinhoyi area said women and children have left about 130 farms, and dozens of men were grouping on several properties to be ready to return to their farms if the situation stabilised. "The men are torn," said one of the affected farmers. "They have sent their families away because before long there are going to be more people killed, the way this is going on. But they don't just want to run away themselves. They are not cowards. They are seeking safety in numbers and will try to defend the farms where they can." Some of the families were flown out in light aircraft using farm landing strips. Others joined small convoys of trucks loaded down with people and belongings. Some of those who fled their farms on Friday evening spent the night in the bush because the police prevented them from driving to Harare. Most of those who have fled are from the Doma area, about 60 miles north of Chinhoyi town. Whites began to abandon their farms on Wednesday as the attacks began after 21 farmers were arrested on charges of public violence. On August 6 they had gone to the defence of one of their number who was besieged in his home by men from Zimbabwe's "war veterans" movement and others, who had seized his land. The farmers claimed they acted in self-defence but the government accused them of attacking defenceless blacks - the ruling Zanu-PF unleashed militants against farms in the area. Colin Cloete, the president of the almost exclusively white Commercial Farmers Union (CFU), said yesterday that "marauding bands" were now wreaking havoc. "Farms are being pillaged and looted openly and blatantly by lawless elements in marauding bands of up to 300 [but] little action has been taken to recover stolen property. Farmers and their families are vulnerable and unprotected as police turn a blind eye to assaults that have taken place on their doorstep," he said. "It is apparent that the state of lawlessness has reached a height that can only be contained by swift action at the highest level." One retired farmer who fled to Harare said his house was looted on Thursday by men who smashed their way in with sledge hammers. His family escaped with a few belongings of sentimental value. "We are in a state of shock but we are alive," he said. His son had stayed in the district. "I don't know what he's going to do. Our lives are in ruin." If it became safe to go back "we'll have to go and assess the damage and that's going to be absolutely heartbreaking," he said. Farmers' leaders say that while there is no evidence yet that the violence will spread to other areas, the situation is so volatile that they fear attacks to the 4,000 other white-owned farms across the country. If any farmers thought the government would act, President Mugabe disabused them. On Saturday, he announced new plans to increase the amount of land targeted for seizure still further - to 9.5m hectares (24m acres) or 95% of that in white hands. And he issued a warning: "We have seen of late some of those who have not repented who are organising them selves to attack the landless people who have been resettled on some farms. But we warn them to desist immediately continuing in these kinds of organised attacks, they will of course ricochet." The Zanu-PF member of parliament for Chinhoyi, Philip Chiyangwa, claimed that whites were fleeing their farms to discredit the government and to provoke a "worldwide protest". He said the attacks were regrettable but the victims had brought it on themselves. "The resultant attacks were out of anger after the farmers assaulted blacks who had approached them for dialogue over a misunderstanding," he said. Further evidence that the government intends to deal harshly with whites came with the suspension of three police officers accused of "coddling" the 21 farmers whose arrest last week for coming to the aid of one of their number under attack from squatters provoked the latest crisis. A superintendent, an inspector and an assistant inspector were penalised for making the white farmers more comfortable by giving them additional prison clothing. Regional leaders holding a summit in Malawi said they did not intend to discuss the crisis in Zimbabwe because they wanted to focus on "more positive issues". 23 Letter From A Zimbabwean Farmer Two years ago I was elected Commercial Farmers Union Chairman for Mashonaland East Province (for my sins). It covers nine districts and embraces 800 of the country's 3500 remaining commercial farmers. As I write I am close to the phone because a family in my province, in the district of Macheke, has been under seige all night. So called war-vets and their followers broke down their security fence last evening and converged on the homestead chanting blood curdling threats, built fires around the house, on the lawns and verandah, fired shots randomly, and the neighbours stood- by all night in case things got really out of hand. The police declined to react throughout, and I was only able to get the officer commanding the province on her cell phone early this morning. Under extreme pressure the police sent two details there who reported everything to be in order, and left. The family are still in the house surrounded. 40 farmers went to the police station to demand an explanation and a reaction from the member in charge, accompanied by a BBC film crew who were threatened by the officer if they continued to film. The provincial head of police is now on her way there to "talk to the farmers", and they and the BBC and other press have retired a couple of kilometers away to the local sports club for some breakfast and to await further developments. We have a lawyer on standby in case any of our farmers are arrested, which is likely as that has become the pattern in recent weeks - charges are trumped up and later withdrawn, but not before the farmers concerned and the community in general have had a rather unpleasant experience. (We have exercized a policy of not encouraging press involvement for many months now - to try to keep the temperature down, and to try to resolve issues by negotiation and without publicity - but I think it is generally accepted now that we have been wasting our time as there is no goodwill to draw on, and our approach is now to let the press report all that they can, as there is nothing to lose by them doing so.) (That was Saturday - it's now Friday. The seige ended on Tuesday afternoon when we managed to get the heirarchy of the Party involved, after they had begun to panic about the publicity both overseas and in the local press. The couple were not able to leave the house, and nobody was allowed in, even with provisions so things became a bit desparate - especially as they ran out of cigarettes! The dogs were not allowed out of the hose for the four days, so soiled carpets etc., trees were cut down in the garden, and across the drive so that no vehicle could easily approach, and fires were burned all day and night upwind of the house so that smoke constantly permeated the home. The filth and rubbish, and empty beer containers were all over the garden. Anyway, that one is over.) I am afraid it was not an isolated incident. Last Sunday, during lunch, a farmer in the same area had a group of about 100 individuals rush into his tobacco seedbed site and set light to 300 beds. These are the seedling production units, for the early plantings of the irrigated crop, to be planted out into the fields from 1st September, grown and reaped during our summer, and sold in 2002. After sowing they are covered with a dry grass mulch, and a synthetic 'nappy liner' material for protection against frost - a very combustible combination. Direct loss there was in the order of Z$1 000 000, but the crop that would have been produced from the 120 Ha those seedbeds were to cater for, US$850 000 in foreign currency earnings for our country. (For a year we have been suffering fuel shortages with endless queues at the few filling stations that have anything to sell, and food shortages are looming, both due to a lack of foreign exchange to pay for imports. There are zero reserves.) The farmer concerned has been ordered to get off his farm, and no arrests have been made although the perpetrators are on the farm. The farmer and his family are refusing to leave, are resowing their seedbeds with a lot of help and support from the community, who are also putting in extra beds in case he is unable to produce them in time for planting, or is interfered with further. Two Saturdays ago our local Beatrice cricket team had a match against Featherstone at our Beatrice Sports Club. It was planned in order to coincide with the International being played in Bulawayo between Zim. and India, so that those who don't have satelite television could watch it at the club, and support our locals while they were at it. A very good day was enjoyed by many, 24 and it went on late into the night. On Sunday morning our local war-vet contingent with a raggedy band of followers invaded and took over the club on the pretext that we had been "celebrating the death of Hitler Hunzvi" their brutal leader who had been buried at our National Heroes Acre, with pomp and ceremony and fanfare, on Friday. They drank the beer, and ate the food from the freezers, took down our photographs and memorabilia, and across our lovely faced brick arches, redone a year ago, have written in foot-high black bitumen paint the new name of the club! "HITLER CLUB -VIVA THE 3RD CHIMURENGA". (Chimurenga is a revolution). I had meetings with the club committee, the provincial war vet leadership, and the district head of police, at the club with the invaders, in an attempt to get them out. They simply sent us away with a list of demands about free membership to war vets, and war vet participation on the committee. The position of the committee is that membership is open to all on payment of subscriptions, the actions of the invaders are absolutely illegal, and purely for the purpose of extortion and theft, and it is the job of the police to arrest the perpetrators, and prosecute them. No arrests have been made, the club remains occupied and vandalised after 13 days, and is now being used as a base not only to accomodate them, but also for such things as 'disciplinary hearings' and kangaroo courts. Our farmers and their families meanwhile are finding alternative venues at which to wind down, relax, and at times let their hair down. At the same time, in Harare South, a farm workforce decided that they had taken enough abuse from the war vets and followers on the farm, including the rape of a teenager, and chased them. One war vet follower had a finger chopped off, another got an axe in the head, and others were beaten. The farmer who was not even on the farm at the time was arrested the next morning for "inciting violence", and it took his lawyer 36 hours to get him out on bail, but not before the police had beaten him in his cell with a hose pipe in an effort to get a confession. The rapist, and all the others involved have not been arrested. Three farmers have spent similar periods in jail in the last few weeks, on fabricated charges. A farmer in the Marondera district in my province had $800 000 worth of maize reaped and loaded onto trucks and trailers in front of his eyes, and carried away, with the police looking on and refusing to act. It was not 'theft' they said, it was 'political', and therefore they would not help him. The same occurred a few days later on a farm in Beatrice. No arrests in either case. Police who try to uphold the law, as most were trained to do when they joined the force, are singled out for transfer to remote stations, or to administrative jobs at H.Q. In Beatrice we have just lost our very good member in charge for that reason - gone to Matabeleland. He has been replaced with a war-vet / war-vet-sympathiser / yes-man. It's a very sad process which is taking place on a widespread and systematic basis, around the country. Economically the situation is no better. The price of fuel went up by 70% overnight last week and serious social unrest is predicted in the weeks ahead. Inflation is at 60% before the knock- on effect of the fuel price increase. Unemployment is at 60% and rising. Corruption at all levels is endemic and paralysing and goes largely unprosecuted. Production is plummeting in agriculture, mining, manufacturing. Tourism is dying. Our Z$ is pegged at 55:1 against the US$ and has been for a year, although the parallel (black) market is running at up to 150:1. The few airlines still accepting payment for flights in Z$ now are openly doing their calculations at 133:1. All of our inputs such as fertilizers and crop and veterinary chemicals are being bought with currency sourced on the parallel market. And yet we are being paid at the official rate of 55:1 for export products (tobacco, beef, horticultural produce etc.). Businesses including farms are closing daily for reasons of viability, but we understand that govt. policy is that the exchange rate will remain fixed. It is seen as a political imperative because the risk of a backlash from the poorest classes in the event of devaluation, from the effect on the basic cost of living, is too great for them to contemplate. And yet the country is being killed to keep the current leadership in power!! It is not sustainable, but we can not see what will change or when. Only that it will. I could go on and on. There is absolute anarchy, but the world is told that there is the rule of law and stable governance! It is pleasing that Mbeki and others in Africa are beginning to take a harder line with Mugabe, because their soft approach has been interpreted by our leaders and government controlled press as tacit approval of the awful things that they have done in order to 25 cling to power, in the name of correcting injustices of the past! On the positive side, the population at large is patient and peaceful (with the exception of the 20 000 or so government hired thugs or so called war vets, who even most real veterans of the liberation war disown.) Our's is one of the most educated populations in Africa, and capable of, and willing to rebuild rapidly as soon as the conditions exist to allow it to happen. The infrastructure largely remains intact in what really was the "tiger" of Africa only a few short years ago, and I believe that the international community has not abandoned the Zimbabwean people, only our government, and that is as it should be. Many of our young people, both black and white, are outside the country, but most will return when conditions improve bringing with them a wealth of experience from around the globe There is land enough for every farmer, large or small, to farm productively, and a real determination on the part of most of the parties involved in land in this country to solve it equitably once and for all, so that it is never again used as a political weapon. Ordinary Zimbabweans are sick to death of hearing about the twin pillars of the ruling party - being race hatred and land. There are fully implementable offers on the table right now, accepted by the international community in 1998, and reworked and re-presented this year in a format appropriate to the current political environment. (The Zimbabwe Joint Resettlement Initiative, presented by the CFU and the Private Sector, is before Cabinet now, and awaits their approval). The land question can and will be settled to everyone's satisfaction, and there need not be any further loss of production -it is only a question of our government allowing it. If they do not, I am quite sure that a future government will. I will attach a short document that I produced earlier this month which is a 'snapshot' of our province on the 7th June. It was presented to our Governor, party Chairman, and the Minister of Finance, Simba Makoni, among others. The situation has deteriorated since I wrote it. It is so important to us that people outside the country know a little of what is going on here. You get the big picture and the politics, but not the day to day goings on I don't think. As I finish this I am looking out of the office window (which some of you will be able to visualise) and at the bottom of our garden, a herd of giraffe have joined the herd of eland that have been there all afternoon, feeding on the cubes that we put out for them each day during winter. It is beautiful. That bull is so tall -one doesn't realize just how tall until they are close. Vicky, Sherry and all the children are sitting outside having tea as the shadows lengthen. It's a lovely evening and I am off for a run. (Sherry's husband was murdered in May last year, in the violence that ran up to the General Election) 26 Topple Mugabe, Mandela urges THE man who commanded the notorious Fifth Brigade massacres in Matabeleland in the Eighties is masterminding Zimbabwe's violent farm invasions, senior officials of the ruling Zanu- PF party have conceded. Gen Perence Shiri, who now heads Zimbabwe's air force, is said to be co-ordinating the land seizures and organising food and transport for the so-called war veterans who have invaded more than 1,000 white-owned farms. Gen Shiri's name also appears on a list of 28 senior government and military figures given farms seized from white farmers. These were supposed to be handed to landless people. The government and military have always denied involvement in the wave of occupations which started 10 weeks ago and have resulted in the deaths of two white farmers and 15 labourers and opposition workers. But some Zanu-PF officials, worried that the situation is getting out of control, have now given a different version of events to The Telegraph. They say the invasions were ordered by President Robert Mugabe after he lost the referendum on a new constitution in February, and have been meticulously planned by the military. Gen Shiri, they add, has deployed more than 1,000 troops in civilian clothes to lead the operations, and recruited others on a daily allowance plus free food. The Zimbabwe Independent newspaper reported that the armed forces had not only been directing the occupations but had also imported a big Russian arms shipment, including 21,000 AK47 assault rifles to distribute among the squatters. The paper cited farming areas such as Beatrice, 30 miles from Harare, where army officers were on the ground running operations. The army's involvement explains the squatters' surprising logistical capability, quickly moving large groups of men to invade new farms. Chenjerai "Hitler" Hunzvi, the war veterans' leader, travels between farms in a helicopter provided by Gen Shiri's air force. The military link also explains why there are so many young people among veterans of a war which finished 20 years ago and why they are so well equipped. Last week, Britain's Foreign Secretary, Robin Cook, announced the suspension of Land Rover sales to the Zimbabwean army after claims by white farmers that these were being used to transport the squatters. Gen Shiri's name strikes fear into the hearts of many Zimbabweans who remember his ruthless crushing of the rebellion in Matabeleland between 1982 and 1987. Tens of thousands of people died in massacres carried out by his North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade, and mass graves have been uncovered in recent years. Gen Shiri is one of 28 close allies of President Mugabe named on a list obtained by The Telegraph as having received farms, compulsorily purchased from white owners in the land redistribution programme, which were supposed to go to landless peasants. The list includes government ministers, permanent secretaries, provincial governors, army generals and judges. Those named include Cyril Ndebele, Speaker of Parliament; George Charamba, the president's spokesman; Patrick Chinamasa, the Attorney General; General Vitalis Zvinavashe, Commander-in-Chief of the Zimbabwe defence forces, who oversees Harare's military involvement in the Congo; Border Gezi, Governor of Mashonaland; Welshman Mabhena, Governor of Matabeleland North; and Zenzo Nsimbi, deputy minister of transport. Francis Maude, Mr Cook's Tory shadow, said: "This list is evidence of Mr Mugabe's bad faith and proof that he has abused his land-reform programme to enrich himself and a small circle of kleptocrats around him." He called for Mr Mugabe's assets to be seized and for Zimbabwe to be suspended from the Commonwealth. Neighbours of Gen Shiri's 1,500-hectare Ruia Falls Farm in Bindura pointed out yesterday that his is the only one in the area not to have been invaded. Elsewhere, farmers reported fresh violence and intimidation yesterday in the deepening land crisis. Meanwhile, repression of the political opposition appears to be growing in the run-up to parliamentary elections, expected in June. On Friday night, Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, was arrested after a campaign rally at Chiredzi. He was released early yesterday after four hours in detention, but several of his aides remained in police custody. An MDC official said: "Arrests late at night are deliberate harassment of senior members of an opposition political party." 27 Eric Bloch Column ONE week after Zimbabwe’s parliamentary election, President Mugabe was interviewed on CNN by Charlayne Hunter-Gault. When she commenced a question with: "Given that Zimbabwe is about to go bankrupt . . ." the president interrupted her with an almost hysterical laugh and said: "Zimbabwe is not going bankrupt; countries don’t go bankrupt; Zimbabwe will never go bankrupt; that’s just what our enemies say about us." Clearly, therefore, either the president does not know the meaning of the word "bankrupt", or he is unaware of the true Zimbabwean circumstances, or he has deluded and decei-ved himself into non-reco- gnition of the realities. Mr President, the hard fact is that Zimbabwe is bankrupt, Zimbabwe is insolvent. The Concise Oxford Dictionary defines a "bankrupt" as being an "insolvent debtor", and defines the latter as being one that is "unable to pay debts". And, as Zimbabwe is unable to pay its debts, it is bankrupt. The president may be under the impression that Zimbabwe can pay its debts, but, if he does labour under that impression, he is misleading himself, for such an impression is grossly erroneous. Zimbabwe has been in default of repayments due by it to the World Bank. Such repayments having been due months ago, the World Bank having given prescribed notice of breach of agreed loan repayments 30 days after repayment became due, again 15 days later and, once more when the arrears were 60 days overdue. World Bank regulations preclude any further support to the debtor nation until all arrears have been made good. Despite receiving the obligatory notices of breach, and despite Zimbabwe desperately needing continuance of World Bank programmes, as well as new and additional ones, it has failed to honour its commitments. Obviously, it has not made payment because it cannot. In other words, it is insolvent; it is bankrupt! The extent of the bankruptcy is loud and clear. The national debt continues to soar. As at May 31, it amounted to $263 billion, with external debt amounting to over $171 billion (more than US$4,5 billion), and domestic debt approximating $92 billion (comprising $72,8 billion in Treasury Bills, government stock of $8,7 billion, and Reserve Bank overdrafts exceeding $10,3 billion). External debt equated to 82% of gross domestic product (GDP), with domestic debt approximating 192% of GDP. Overall, Zimbabwe’s national debt is now considerably more than five times greater than GDP. Zimbabwe would have to apply all its GDP for more than five years to the settlement of debt if it was to become debt free! Emphasising the extent to which Zimbabwe has been accumulating burdensome debt is that in 1991 the external debt was 36% of GDP. Another indicator of Zimbabwe’s insolvency is the ever-increasing state deficit. For the first quarter of the current fiscal year, government’s expenditure amounted to $33,7 billion, while its revenues totalled $19,7 billion, yielding a deficit of $14 billion for the three-month period! Undoubtedly an equal or even greater deficit will have been incurred in the second quarter of the year and, as the deficits are necessarily funded out of borrowings, the debt-service burden in the months ahead will be greater still. It is further of consequence that these deficits are before accounting for those incurred by parastatals, whose debts are substantially guaranteed by government. In the month of May alone, borrowings of parastatals increased by $2,4 billion. The severity of Zimbabwe’s circumstances is demonstrated by the extent to which all sectors of society are being adversely affected and are suffering severely. Recent reports indicate that the Ministry of Health is carrying stocks of essential drugs, medicines and medications of less than a half of those considered to be strategically required to assure that the needs of the populace requiring health care can be addressed. Admittedly, the ministry recorded that its hold ings are supplemented by those of hospitals and clinics, but most of them are also under-stocked. In Bulawayo, Mpilo Hospital’s vitally necessary equipment for cancer treatment has been out of commission for months due to an absence of foreign exchange for essential spares. Patients are, at the least, suffering major distress, and possibly their very survival is at risk. Only a bankrupt state would fail to meet such a critical need. The scarcity of foreign exchange is far greater than only an insufficiency for machine spares for the health sector. For six months Zimbabwe has suffered immense shortages of fuel. Although the president and his henchmen have, from time to time, ascribed a diverse range of reasons for the shortages, the facts are that Zimbabwe has not had sufficient funds to buy the petroleum, diesel, aviation fuel and paraffin that it needs, and has such poor credit repute that it could not borrow sufficient funding. 28 The forex shortages are such that government is recurrently late in paying foreign allowances to its troops in the DRC (albeit Zimbabwe should not be militarily engaged there). Zimbabwe is so short of foreign exchange that its embassies around the world are frequently unable to pay salaries when due, and repeatedly cannot pay their suppliers timeously. So strained is the foreign currency resource that aircraft have to be withdrawn from service until monies can be raised to pay for prescribed services and checks. And so limited is Zimbabwe’s foreign exchange wherewithal that it cannot remit dividends to investors (although it still expects those investors to invest!), and it cannot provide its residents with their entitlement to business, holiday and medical travel allowances. Mr President, are these not all indicative of the desolate state of the economy -- a desolation so great that it can only be insolvent? Zimbabwe is bankrupt, and not even recurrent denial can conceal that fact! Fortunately, Zimbabwe can be rehabilitated. Zimbabwe can be redeemed from its depths of penury. Assets still exist and can be productively applied to restoring fiscal well-being. Those assets can lift Zimbabwe from its destitution and poverty. The tangible assets include its very great agricultural potential, its mineral wealth and capacity to be a world-leading tourist destination. They also include an economic infrastructure which, although small by comparison with that of South Africa, and although lacking in much, is nevertheless one of the most developed in sub-Saharan Africa. A key element of that infrastructure is an esta-blished manufacturing sector, weakened by the mismanagement of the economy during the last three years, but poised for recovery if an economically conducive environ- ment were to be recreated. The most positive of the assets which can drive Zimbabwe’s withdrawal from the abyss of bankruptcy is that it has a large, able and willing labour force which desperately craves for employment and, if that craving is catered for, will work with motivation and drive. The capability of the very considerable labour pool is reinforced by Zimbabwe having one of the highest literacy rates in Africa, with a significant portion of the population having undergone secondary education, and many having advanced through Zimbabwe’s tertiary education institutions. The intangible assets available to Zimbabwe are of equal importance, including its geographic prominence as a potentially key supplier of goods, services and technology to the region. However, the most important intangible asset, because it can transform into the tangible, is that the world at large remains disposed to support Zimbabwe and aid its recovery provided that Zimbabwe recognises the need for responsible economic manage- ment, accountability, good governance, co-operation and collaboration, instead of confrontation, corruption, economic incompe- tence and bad governance, lawlessness and anarchy. But first and foremost Zimbabwe needs to recognise and acknowledge harsh facts and realities. It must accept that, throughout the last three years, if there was anything economic which it could possibly do wrong, it did so and, as a direct consequence, it is now bankrupt. No matter how much the president may protest to the contrary, Zimbabwe is insolvent. If that can be recognised, then Zimbabwe can reverse those conditions. If that cannot be acknowledged, Zimbabwe’s impoverishment will continue, and deprivation will be the pronounced characteristic of the country for all time. 29 The account of the invasion of the Avenues Clinic by its director Dear Friends and Relatives The purpose of our e-mail is to say "We are OK". We are not so confident, so I must add "We hope and pray". Those of you who have read articles in the press last week and then this week, especially, will have been worried. We thank you for the telephone calls and e-mails. I am appreciative also of those who have contacted my mother to offer support. We thank you for your prayers. We need all the support we can get. Some of you have parts of the tale, some other versions, so please forgive repetition. We would like all our friends to know. We have a belief and hope that the more that know the safer we may be. Even that some influence may be brought to change the course of history here. I am hoping that by writing our story that some of it will be put to rest and some perspective achieved in a troubled mind. If you do not have the time or the inclination to read further that is fine by me. The important thing for you to know is that although we have been in a period of danger, today we are OK. We have been close to running for the hills and across the border. We shall see what next week brings. As a compromise we may sleep in a different place each night. I have agreed to be interviewed by press and TV. Each time it has felt right to do so, a good idea to speak out, speak the truth; however we experience anguish each time, fearing any back lash. Somehow that terror was huge last week, but we have learnt to get used to that one and it is not so bad this week. We hope it may be some protection as the press outside a "detention centre" could aid the release. Perhaps we are being naive, but there are not many straws to clutch at these days. Since last year, Maureen and I have discussed the inevitability of what has happened in the rural areas and to the farmers will come to town. It has ... and with a vengeance. It is very much on our doorstep. It is minor in comparison to many of the horrors we know about; however it has been pretty major on our personal Richter scale. The following is my version of what has happened in the last two weeks of our lives: Tuesday 24th April 2001 This could have been the worst day in my life, however I came out of it alive and unscathed physically. I pray that is not speaking too soon. We had read in the papers about the War Vets invading the boardrooms of vompanies. Well, it was our turn, at the Avenues Clinic, commencing with a mob surging into my office at 9.30. Reception warned my secretary and I just had time to give instructions for "May day" calls to be made [Police, President's Office, Min of Health and British High Commission]. Then we had twenty men burst into the office and I was surrounded by yelling men in ugly mood. We had been in a Management Team meeting one minute and in terror the next. Some were definitely high on something. All aggressive and insolent to different degrees. All impatient. Demanding and very deliberately rude. Their leader introduced them as "ZANU PF, War Veterans Association, Harare". I managed to get the War Vets out of the hospital into the Boardroom, away from the patients, in a separate building but on site, on the basis that we could sit down and talk in a larger room. It has paid dividends, as on each of their return trips they have headed for the Boardroom automatically. We made the painful decision as to who to go with them, if we had a choice. My Principal Matron bravely volunteered. I hoped as a senior nurse she would have a stabilizing influence [wrong], as did my Financial Director. We had a very real risk that whoever talked to them would be dragged off to their offices, as had happened already to too many other directors and managers. I needed Shona speakers with me. We were harangued and threatened. "We will march you to ZANU PF office and put you in a room with no doors. You know what will happen to you there". A room so described apparently means a cell [one of their interrogation rooms] or a coffin. "Why are we wasting time talking here? Let's take them away to the office and deal with them." Nice after-breakfast conversation. When my Matron spoke, she was accused of "joining the oppressor". Both were accused of being at the Clinic at the time of the illegal strike in 1995, which was the excuse for the "assault upon us". To me, one screamed "I know you. You know me. I know where you are. I will get 30 you". I felt he meant it. I have worried where I have seen him before, ever since. I made note to get a message home if and when I could break free. "This is not Rhodesia" and so on and on. It became obvious that the two other members of my team could not talk as each fuelled increased hostility, so it was down to me. They resorted to prayer that I would be guided to "negotiate" a safe path. Terrifying, yet one manages to keep an objective eye and ear. Negotiation skills were tested in full. Whatever one does, one has to hide the fear, mask the anger and the contempt. Control the retorts to outrageous demands. I regret to say that we settled. It has cost the company $6.3m, but no patients or staff were hurt, the former especially had to be my paramount concern. There was already an agreement between the strikers of 1995 and the Clinic that they should receive a settlement, but not one as generous as extorted. We had no back up whatsoever. The Police were called, but did not come. On Wednesday, I eventually tracked down a Deputy Commissioner who told me that he had ordered the men to be hunted down and arrested. I have since heard thru' sources that he was countermanded from sources higher up. In the Financial Gazette on Friday, the police spokesman said that there had to be a formal complaint before the police would act. How do you issue a formal complaint when the WV have you locked up? The President's Office was called and said they might send an observer. They did not. Two attended the next day and said they never received the message! They asked plenty of questions and told me that they were there only because the President was concerned. The Deputy Minister of Health said that it was "not a Government matter" but I persuaded him it was on the basis that the government was still in control of the country. He agreed to speak to people in the Party. He did, reportedly to the Speaker of the House, but the people in the party were still considering the matter after we had been forced to settle. Our deadline from the WV was 2.30 Tuesday or we would have to take the consequences. Iron bars to the head and beating up the PA seem to be the current trend. Still today the thought process of the party has not been declared as to the need to defend health care institutions. The British High Commission declined to send anyone but, at my request, undertook to look after Maureen and the children, if something happened to me. I managed to contact Maureen and send her into hiding with the children, taking two dogs and one cat, the other hid. The domestic staff were sent off the property, instructed that they should not admit to knowing us. So we left our beautiful home to an uncertain fate. A favourite War Vet tactic is to visit your home and destroy as much as possible. Exhausted and under pressured criticism for settling and not being beaten up, we said good bye to the war vets at 3.30. They have been returning ever since to supervise the issuing of the cheques to the 30 ex-workers, who lost their jobs after an illegal strike in 1995. I had managed to negotiate the payment down to 30 and not 35 and limited the settlement to salaries and increases, from July 95 to April 200, but nothing else [or so I thought]. The main partner in our law firm repeatedly suggested that I bounce the cheques and go on holiday to Cape Town. I cannot believe the man. Obviously he has no regard for the lives of my staff who would meet the wrath of the War Vets in full vengeance. We returned home on Tuesday late afternoon. No staff on site, but otherwise normal. We joined friends for dinner out. Glad to be alive. Such is the dichotomy of life here. Scared and working out problems in a lawless land and then out to a restaurant for dinner in a context that could be a civilized country. Wednesday 25th April 2001 The War Vets demanded to see me again. They were "requesting" the re-instatement of the workers. I found a way of saying no to mob re-instatement without being lynched. I felt my grip on sanity slip as I was given a round of applause for our generous settlement the day before. That was my second round of applause in two days. It seems crazy that one minute you are being threatened and harassed and next you get a round of applause. Another two and a half hours of living on my nerves and constantly "dancing" and changing tack to ensure the mood did not swing the wrong way. Thursday 26th April 2001 31 If War Vets were not enough, I had staff problems with old grievances rising to the surface. The 200 plus workers who returned to work after the strike were docked two weeks pay for two days away as a punishment. I found there were rumours of money to be paid the our staff and rumours of our staff talking to the War Vets. "Thank you" for the support and concern for the safety of the Management Team. I called a meeting. Someone was stirring up our workforce.I was in the middle of describing the horrors of the days before to a hundred plus staff when the war vets, no 1 and 2, "good guy and bad guy" walked in to the Boardroom. They apologized for interrupting the meeting! I got up and greeted him exchanged pleasantries, shook hands and sent them to another room for the supervision of the handing out of cheques to our ex- employees. I was trying to divert my workers from calling in the War Vets to gain their two weeks wages from 1995. I told them about the new relationship with management and asked them for a week to consider the information new to me about the two week penalty. They agreed or did some? I went away and decided that it was expedient to pay out the two weeks. The deduction had not been legal and was very ill advised. It has been a cancer burning in the sole of many for five years. Friday 27th April 2001 We are told by the War Vet leaders that the members of our staff have asked them to intervene. "Great". Do those responsible really know the consequences? Do they care? I agreed that we would repay the two weeks pay from 1995 in the next pay packet and without interest. The deduction had been illegal and disastrous HR practice. I have much to "thank" my predecessors for ! I stressed to this group the potential horrors of inviting the War Vets in. Next they will want to run the hospital. Saturday 28th April Friends invited us to share a cottage in the hills to rest and recover. Blissful fresh air and walks. Wretched dreams, but the mind has to clear out the rubbish somehow. Wednesday 2nd May Horror of horrors, the War Vets announce they are coming back to demand reinstatement and more. Again the round of phone calls. The police passed me from one officer to another. They were far more helpful and offered to send plainclothes police, but would they come? [No] An officer advised me that a member of the Committee in the Party, which was set up last week to control the company actions [yes, there is such a thing], had advised that our file was closed. Good news that it was closed because we had paid up. Horrendous news that the official committee had a hospital on the list in the first place. Question why the war vets were coming again? Bad news that although the file was closed we were still on someone's hit list. The commissioner to whom I spoke told me to be careful and not trust my staff particularly my Chief Security Officer. That gave me a sinking feeling. The Security Company were far more useful. I spoke with them direct. They sent a man so that I would not go alone to the Police Station. I went to make a formal report, so that no one could say that they could not act without such report. I had sent my Chief Security Officer to make the report on Friday but he had come back stating that he could not do so as he was not the aggrieved person. I am very suspicious. The security company offered me a "minder", which I gladly accepted. We trebled the guards on site. At all doors and at each ward and department. The Deputy Minister of Health was horrified and annoyed that we were to be hit again. He promised to speak on our behalf. Thursday 3rd May After a night of dread, the next day came. The extra guards were on duty. My minder was there, all 160 kg of him and my height. His hobbies are judo and juditso. He looks like something out of the men in black. Dark glasses and all. The War Vets arrived. All the phone calls to the police were in vain. The cell phones seemed to switched off. Surprise, surprise. The High Commission were told and thanked me for the information and wished me luck. The man at the President's Office was at the airport and said he could do nothing. I suggested firmly that as the President was concerned he ought to use his cell phone and get a colleague to attend. Amazingly he did. The demands were aggressively made for re-instatement plus bonuses for six years!! Two and 32 half hours later, we finished. I explained repeatedly we had acted in good faith and were making payments to staff on the understanding that the "agreement" the previous week was in full and final settlement, as signed by each recipient. I threatened to stop payments to the outstanding eight ex-employees. They signed a fresh agreement to abide by the last one and it was witnessed by the Office of the President's representative. Who knows if any piece of paper is more than that! Friday 4th May The real misery starts when whilst I am in an emergency Board meeting discussing the War Vet situation, my secretary advises me that she has received a call summoning me to the ZANU PF HQ and for me to be there by 4.30 without fail, caller identifies himself as Mr Savanhu. The Board's initial view is that I should go. I advise I expect damages if I go and am beaten up, which I would expect. I know I should not go on my own, so I ask for volunteers. That drew a blank response and then the only Board member not to have said that I should go, says of course I should not go. There is collective relief and they all change their mind and leave it to my discretion. My earlier calls trying to find someone to stop this madness are continued in real earnest. I find a senior Party member who tells me the call must be by a group meaning no good as Mr Savanhu would never have made such a call. A feeling of dread. I speak to the supposed caller, who denies he would have made such a call. The firm advice of both senior party members is not to go and not to make myself available. I ring Maureen and tell her to stay with the friends with whom she and the children were having tea. Maureen rings the BHC and the advice is that I am now the target and time to go into hiding. The best tactic is to go public. Maureen rings the BBC and the Daily Telegraph. I have rung the police and the security company. The BBC, the Security Company, the Police Inspector, the Telegraph, the Times, my PR lady, our friend with whom Maureen is in hiding, other press all arrive within half an hour. Chaos! Me trying to balance priorities and arrange things. The BBC interview [but do not use]. The Telegraph overlap and interview further and do use in Saturday's paper. He incidentally finds time to ring Maureen to tell I am safely out of the hospital. The policeman starts organizing cover for the Hospital, which I tell him is my priority. The promise is to arrest. Time is out and it is time to be whisked away. I leave in a friend's car with a tail to make sure that no one is following. Nothing feels real any more. The Security Team ensures I am at the safe house, after what seems like a lifetime, and I am with Maureen and the children. Is this real? Was this an over reaction? The cell phone never stops ringing. Not one person tells me it's a dream. No one says "wake up". The consensus is that to go into hiding was essential. We came back home the next day, against some advice, but we cannot hide forever. The Security guys think if the rogue element reacts to my failure to return to work it will be at the Avenues Clinic next week. Friday night I was numb. I have slowly recovered. Some advise us to go away a while. We will, if there is further sign of trouble tomorrow. Maureen is to see the school heads tomorrow to ensure extra security for the children and teacher control to ensure only we pick up. The papers at the weekend have indicated a back down on company invasions and even published cell numbers for Hunzvi and Chinotombo, prominent War Vet leaders, so that we can ring to check the credentials of War Vets if they come to the companies! I hope that to be the case and we will follow up on Monday. Who knows? Who is really in charge anyway? Tomorrow I will go into work. Security is doubled and my minder will be there for the week. Fingers crossed. I'll tell you more next time I write. May you all have a peaceful week. Malcolm 33 Zimbabweans are in captivity. The government they elected are the captors Zimbabwe Daily News , Monday 29 May, 2000 We are told to hate whites even if some of them are beautiful friends IF a man sets out to burn his own house, onlookers try to stop him. The general consensus is that something has gone wrong with the man’s head. This is the situation in Zimbabwe at the moment. The government was elected by the voters. They have a mandate. The so-called war veterans were not elected by anyone in this country except by their own ranks numbering not more than 50,000 . Chenjerai Hitler Hunzvi, an avowed anarchist, claims to be the one distributing the land in our country. A hate war has started. We are being told to hate whites even if some of them have become beautiful friends. The elected president of the republic has reduced himself to a spare president. The unelected one, Chenjerai Hitler Hunzvi, runs the sponsored show, a political circus. Since when has an unelected leader been given the power to distribute land in a country with a president who took the oath of office in order to uphold the laws of the land? We are refugees in our own country, prisoners without uniforms! Zimbabweans are in captivity, and the government they elected are the captors, behaving like rebels in a country which does not need chaos, a country whose landscape, vegetation, flowers and wildlife tell stories of the love that resides in the hearts and minds of the people who inhabit the land. Zimbabweans have no time to admire the beauty of their landscape, those gifts from God and the ancestors which no human being can make. They are busy staring death in the face, violent death at the hands of youths who have been taught never to respect human life, any life. First it was the white farmers, then came the honest rural schoolteachers, then came the blacks who moved out of townships, and today it is Zimbabweans of Asian origin whose under-utilised properties must be "peacefully invaded". The police look on and gaze at it, powerless in the face of instructions from The Leader not to intervene. We might as well be aliens temporarily living in this small space which itches our nerves because of the possibility of death by torture. Those who claim to have liberated us have now changed their minds. Instead, they have put new chains of slavery and imprisonment round our necks and legs. But still the people laugh, in pubs, at bus stops, in churches, in the annoying expensive supermarkets, at funerals of those murdered, everywhere. Even the many refugees scattered all over the land, they laugh and dream that one day this madness will end. We laugh in order not to cry. Daily News, Zimbabwe 34 COMMERCIAL FARMERS’ UNION SITUATION UPDATE : 1ST MARCH, 2000. On Tuesday 29th February, 2000 I, in the company of the Vice-President (Commodities) of the Commercial Farmers’ Union, Colin Cloete, met the Commissioner of the Zimbabwe Republic Police, Augustine Chihuri and two Deputy Commissioners at Police Head Quarters at 2.30pm The purpose of the meeting was to deal with the proliferation of land invasions on commercial farms around Zimbabwe that had occurred over the previous four days and to review the disaster relief operations being conducted in Manicaland, Masvingo and Matabeleland South, in the wake of the cyclone Eline. By way of introduction on the subject of farm invasions I informed the Commissioner that the Commercial Farmers’ Union and its members are extremely concerned at the level of escalation of farm invasions over the week-end. I stated that on Monday morning we were aware of twelve invasions on properties in Masvingo and Mashonaland (Central). By 8.00am on Tuesday when I prepared a schedule of the properties and their owners for presentation to Cabinet by the Honourable Minister of Lands and Agriculture, Kumbirai Kangai, the number of invasions had increased to twenty-six in Mashonaland East, Mashonaland West, Midlands, Masvingo and Manicaland I informed the Commissioner that it was the opinion of the Commercial Farmers’ Union that his support for the statements of various politicians that farm invasions were a political issue and, therefore, not a matter for the police was perceived by farmers whose properties are being invaded, and their operations suspended through intimidations, as unacceptable and that the police had an independent duty to uphold law and order in Zimbabwe to enable citizens, and farmers in particular, to go about their business in an unhindered and peaceful manner Vice-President Colin Cloete informed the Commissioner that he was concerned that in Kwekwe, where two farms had been invaded, and in Mashonaland Central and in particular the properties Mavuradona farm, owned by Mr Chris Pole and McClaire farm owned by Mr Louis Malzer, substantial losses were being incurred as the war veterans were not allowing the labour to work, tobacco was going unreaped and the curing of tobacco was being interfered with In the case of Maywood Farm, Kwekwe, occupied by Mr and Mrs Buchanan, war veterans had pushed down the security fence taken Mrs and Mrs Buchanan into custody for five hours, broken down the house door and trashed the house. Mr and Mrs Buchanan were only released into police custody for protection at 6.30pm. From these incidents it was clear that the war veterans invasions were going beyond a peaceful demonstration Commissioner Chihuri responded that it was government policy that war veterans should not be allowed to disrupt farming operations, or cause any damage to property and that he had briefed his Minister of Home Affairs, Dumiso Dabengwa of this position prior to his attendance at Cabinet that morning Commissioner Chihuri said that farm invasions are a political matter and that the politicians were going to deal with it. He said that he hoped that the politicians would put a stop to it and that His Excellency Vice-President Msika was responsible for co-ordination this action on behalf of government Commissioner Chihuri said that he was pleased with the way the Commercial Farmers’ Union and farmers were handling the invasions, by adopting a non-confrontational approach in order to attempt to avoid any nasty incidents. In the meantime the Zimbabwe Republic Police were keeping a low profile and waiting for the political issue of land invasions to be resolved. He said that it required a peaceful solution and that he and his fellow commanders were not at all convinced that the farm invaders, who were war veterans, required land. He reiterated that disruption of farm work and damage to property would not be tolerated by the Zimbabwe Republic Police 35 I explained to the Commissioner that it appeared that members of his force were not upholding law and order by preventing disruption to farming operations and damage to property by war veterans at that time I then raised the matter of the Zimbabwe Republic Police refusing to accompany the Deputy Sheriff of Masvingo in effecting the service of a Court order to evict specified persons from two properties in Masvingo East, being Vredenberg farm owned by Mr McMurdon and Yettam\Mara farms owned by Mr Stockil. The Commissioner responded by saying that he was not aware that the Zimbabwe Republic Police had refused to assist the Deputy Sheriff in the execution of his duties and that this was not his policy. I handed the Commissioner a copy of the Deputy Sheriffs memorandum, addressed to the Provincial Magistrate in Masvingo stating that he was unable to effect his duties, as required by the Court, due to the lack of police protection and co-operation I then said to the Commissioner that the reasons given by the war veterans for invading farms was in reaction to the no vote in the referendum, and that farmers had voted no was hardly credible. Firstly, because there were only 4 0000 commercial farmers in Zimbabwe who could not influence a national referendum and, secondly, in an analysis of the referendum result it was the urban areas that voted no, rather than the rural areas, so it was not possible to apportion blame for the no vote on commercial farmers Furthermore, white farmers were being used as a scapegoat and unfairly persecuted by land invasions when in fact commercial farmers had always supported the government of the day and were substantial contributors to the economy, which should surely result in politicians regarding farmers as allies rather than those who should be persecuted Commissioner Chihuri then received a telephone call from the Minister of Home Affairs, Dumiso Dabengwa and took a twenty minute brief from him as a result of the Cabinet meeting and discussions pertaining to farm invasions. The Commissioner briefed us that the Minister said that the politicians were to deal with the issue of farm invasions headed up by Vice-President Msika, with Minister Dabengwa and two other Ministers. He had briefed his Minister on farmer’s desire to obtain Court Orders to evict the farm invaders which he did not favour because the Minister believed this to be confrontational. Minister Dabengwa had said that a peaceful solution was being sought A meeting was to be held, to discuss the issue with Chenjerai Hunzwi, Chairman of the War Veteran’s Association., on a strategy to calm the situation down and have the war veterans withdraw from invading farms Minister Dabengwa had requested the Commissioner to inform farmers that they should Ø "Remain calm and be patient as government was doing all possible to resolve the issue Ø Farmers should never use Court Orders as this was provocative Ø In the event that Court orders were used the Minister said -- we are also going for elections and if you go to Court we will fold our arms and watch these invasions continue Commissioner Chihuri said that Cabinet had endorsed his recommendations that war veterans invading farms should be stopped from interfering with farm operations and damaging property. In the event that this occurred police were to act immediately and arrest the perpetrators To conclude there was a brief discussion on the disaster relief operations and their co-ordination in the East of the country with the Commissioner stating that from his on site tour of the affected areas with His Excellency President Mugabe, there had been substantial infrastructure damage. Many places remained isolated and people’s needs included food\shelter and drinking water On Monday there were 12 invasions, by Tuesday 30 and today the number is 48. The President met with the Army Commander this morning (1st March, 2000.) and I have again spoken to Commissioner Chihuri on the deteriorating situation. We will be meeting with a government delegation of Ministers this afternoon at their request to hear their plan of action to arrest this situation and ensure farmers can go about their business unhindered David W Hasluck Director Commercial Farmers’ Union 36 ZIMBABWE : CHRONOLOGY OF ATROCITIES FROM MARCH 2000 27 March: Edwin Gomo dies after being hit on the head by a stone thrown by Zanu PF supporters in Bindura. 28 March: Robert Musoni is killed by Zanu PF supporters in Bindura. 1 April: The National Constitutional Assembly march through Harare is attacked by ZANU-PF supporters and so-called War Veterans whilst the ZRP watches. The ZRP prevents demonstrators assembling and later takes steps to break up the protest. White passers-by attacked at random. 2 April: Doreen Marufu, 6 months pregnant, dies after an assualt by Zanu PF supporters in Mvurwi. 4 April: Const. Finashe Chikwenya of the ZRP is shot dead while carrying out his duty to arrest war veterans accused of assault in Marondera. 14 April